Human Rights Violations in Moldova

Summer 2015

Human Rights always have been a vast problem in Republic of Moldova like violence against women, discrimination against minorities, hate speech in public which you can hear from a lot of public members, freedom of speech, media and a high level of crime andcorruption.Oligarchs and politicians have control of most media outlets. That’s why all the mass media is corrupt and the people don’t have access to the real facts and information that is happening in the country.

On 3rd May 2015, thousands of people have rallied in the center of capital Chisinau against the government accusing politicians of corruption and crime. From three banks of Moldova disappeared one billion dollar which was transferred to four other banks in Russia. One of the person accused of the stolen money is the businessman and oligarch Ilan Shor which recently won the mayor seat in Orhei at the local elections.It is not something new that the leaders of this country that suppose to make this country prosper are the robbers themselves.

The stole of the money might be planed and done with the help of Russians which are against of Moldova being a part of Europe Union and because all the action happened right before Moldova was hoping to ease its passage into EU at the Riga summit for Eastern Partnership.

June 28, 2015 in 457 localities of Moldova including the capital Chisinau was held the runoff elections for mayor. That’s because none of the candidates obtained in the first round 50% of votes to win the race.The participation rate registered throughout the country was of 47.73% and in the capital Chisinau 48.67%.

Democratic Party won the local elections with the highest number of mayoral seats.The party will be represented by 287 mayors in different towns of Moldova. The second place took the Liberal- Democrats with 285 mayors and the third place took the Communist Party with 77 seats.In the capital Chisinau the winning party was Liberal Party with 53.54% headed by Dorin Chirtoaca. He already won the reelection for mayor for the third time.

A lot of violations were fixed during the local elections in Moldova. Observers from Promo-Lex signaled at least 3 cases when voting was occurred without checking the attachment of ID. In another case voters came to the polling station with his passport, but with loose leaf nephew. In a village in Floreşti found two blank ballots in the grass near the polling station.Also it was observed cases of electoral propaganda. Next to the polling station in a village in Causeni stood a candidate for mayor and urged the people to vote him.It is known that people with disabilities are the most discriminated in Moldova. Several polling stations have no ramps for people with disabilities. In one polling station, a person with disabilities could not enter the building, so a person from the commission took the ballot outside so the disabled person could vote.

The saddest part of the local elections throughout the country is that just a few people showed up to the voting stations. Only 47.73% came out to vote, that number shows that citizens of Moldova don’t trust any of the political parties and already give up on their lies and false promises that they make.The fight against corruption inside the country represents a continual process that looks like it doesn’t have an end. Authorities will take no actions if the people of this country would not come in streets and protest.

Dina

According to the Criminal Code of Moldova the legislation bans use of torture, inhuman or degrading treatments or punishments and guarantees the protection of human beings against such kind of actions from the part of the law enforcement agencies. Due to difficult political situation in Transnistria region, the law enforcement agencies of the Republic of Moldova do not have control over Transnistria because their authorities have created their own judiciary and law enforcement system and the collaboration with this agencies is almost impossible.

The most significant human rights problem and in the country is the government corruption, which undermined the credibility and effectiveness of the police and the judiciary as well as respect for the rule of law. Another major concern is the police torture and mistreatment of the people in the detention, inadequate conditions in prison, violence against woman, people trafficking and the harassment of the people with disabilities.

However, there have been reports of violations of the right to life and physical integrity, including cases of torture, abuse or even deaths of detainees and prisoners in detention centers. These cases often remain unsolved or are never thoroughly investigated. Police officers accused of torture or ill treatment are rarely brought to trial or punished for their actions. Targets for police harassment and violence are also the Roma people, women and gay men. The situation is especially acute for persons in psychiatric hospitals, who have been exposed to verbal, physical and sexual abuses, deprivation of food and who have also been subjected to forced labour.

The situation in most of Moldova prisons is poor and inadequate. The majority of facilities are in need of urgent repair, there are no sanitary conditions to accommodate the number of persons, especially in pre-trial facilities. Prisoners with infectious diseases are generally not separated from others in the prison population and do not have adequate access to qualified medical professionals.Psychological assistance for prisoners is also unavailable. However, international pressure has made a positive impact on provisional detention centers, where conditions have reportedly improved. For prisoners in Transnistria, the situation is critical. Water is unsanitary and contributes to disease and poor dental health among prisoners. There is no access to qualified medical care and a high rate of prison population with tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS and dental problems. In all the cases , the relatives are those who pay the cost of the medical assistance.

Corruption within the juridical system continue to be a big problem. Some credible reports indicate that the prosecutors and judges receive bribes in return for reducing the charges, frequent and unjustified annulments of hearings. Women and men are equal under the country’s Constitution. Although women are underrepresented in public life. There are now 16 women in the legislative forum out of 101 deputies, one woman holds the position of Chairman of Parliament. There is one female minister and seven deputy ministers within the Cabinet. The Chairman of the Supreme Court is also a woman.

Moldova is also a significant source for women and girls trafficked abroad for forced prostitution and forced labor.Moldovan victims are subjected to sex and labor trafficking within Moldova and in Russia, Ukraine, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Greece, Cyprus, and other countries. Women and minors are subjected to sex trafficking in Moldova in brothels, saunas, and massage parlors. Moldovan men are subjected to forced labor in agriculture and construction in Ukraine and Russia. Moldovan women are also subjected to forced labor in agriculture in Ukraine. Foreign tourists, including those from Europe, Thailand, Australia, Israel, subject Moldovan children to commercial sexual exploitation. Corruption in the judicial system poses an acute challenge for bringing traffickers to justice because the judicial corruption impede persecution and influence the outcome cases.The government did not open any new criminal cases against officials involved in trafficking-related crimes and convicted only one complicit official. Official complicity in trafficking is a significant problem in Moldova.

Rally against Oligarchy Dictatorship

September,2015

On the 6th of September over 100.000 of people rallied on Sunday in the heart of the capital Chisinau in the biggest street protest against the dictatorship of the“oligarchs” who control key sectors of Moldova.

The people were asking the resignation of the presidents Nicolae Timofti and the $1 billion bank scam to be prosecuted.

Protesters threatened to stage a non- stop demonstration until their demands were met. Many of protesters spend the night in the National Square in the tents.

The protest is the biggest demonstration since Moldova seceded from Soviet Union which has been one of the poorest countries in Europe since its independence movement in the early 1990s. The protesters streamed into the capital from different rural and urban regions of Moldova with Romanian and European Union flags.

Meanwhile the authorities scheduled an open-air free concert at Moldexpo with big-name Russian, Romanian and Moldavian pop stars to coincide with the protest, with local media reporting that some were paid upwards of $100,000 for participating. The protesters condemned the move as an extravagant bribe, and many of the local performers pulled out just hours before they were due to go on stage. A lot of disputed were on the internet hours before the concert, people where contacting the artist on their personal pages and imploring them not to participate in this concert but to come and support the protesters in the center of Chisinau. Some of the Moldavian singers that rejected to be in the concert gave patriotic speeches and encouraged the people gathered in the National Square and also actively participated in the protest. Also Romanian singers refused to sing at Moldexpo and wrote on their pages their supports for Moldavian people.

Late on Sunday afternoon, the government accepted an official list of demands from the organizers, but refused their request to speak directly to the hostile crowd.

Red Block and Harmony Member of Peace

Grigore Petrenco a leader of the group of the Unified European Left party “The Red Block” and his six other members were accused of orchestrating and participating in mass riots on September 6,2015 in Chisinau. They participated in protest actions with thousands of other protesters. They were demanding the resignation of senior officials and punishment for the embezzlement of founds from country’s banking system. Mr. Grigore Petrenco is facing up to 4,5 years of prison with suspension of 4 years probation period. All the other members of the “Petrenco group” were found guilty for taking part in mass riots and were facing jail from 3 to 4,5 years as well.

I will attach the letter written by Grigore Petrenco in which he is calling upon to take measures in order to uphold human rights and guarantee the safety of the political prisoners:

“19.10.2015 Dear Sirs, 

As you know, I along with six other activists and sympathizers of the Our Moldova Political Party (Red Bloc) was detained on September 6 during a protest rally in front of the Prosecutor General’s Office, and later arrested. 

Prosecutors charged us with organizing, inciting to and participating in mass disturbances, which is punishable by  up to 8 years in prison under Article 285 of the Moldovan Criminal Code. 

We believe that our case is a political put-up job by oligarch Plahotniuc Vladimir, who holds us under arrest through  the government institutions subordinated to him, using as a pretext the so-called “mass disorders”, which in fact  never took place on September 6. We are firmly convinced that through this political case our civil rights and  freedoms are violated, including the right to protest, freedom of speech, assembly and association. At present, our  political rights are limited as well. The Our Moldova Party (Red Bloc) is almost paralyzed in its activity after  searches and confiscation of computers, not to mention the arrest of the party leadership. 

We believe that this case is used to intimidate us and other opposition politicians and activists. Our arrest has been  extended again for the next 30 days and we have not received a reasoned judgement of the Chisinau Court of Appeal  until now. 

Even though our lawyers presented conclusive arguments proving our innocence, and the Statement written by  members of the PACE (a European structure, which has the Republic of Moldova under its monitoring) where they call for our immediate release and we are referred to as ‘political prisoners’, the latter has not been taken into  consideration by the Court. 

The Chisinau Court of Appeal has also disregarded the position of Members of the European Parliament from the  GUE/NGL Group, expressed in the letter of the Chairman of the GUE/NGL Group Gabi Zimmer to the Moldovan  Prosecutor General, Corneliu Gurin. Similar letters and statements were sent and adopted by several parliamentary  parties in the EU and beyond. 

Dear Sirs, 

Immediately after the recent change of director of the Department of Penitentiary Institutions under the Moldovan  Ministry of Justice and its total subordination to oligarch Plahotniuc (the new head of the Department is nominated  by the Moldovan Democratic Party and is the culprit for the concocted evidence in the April 7 case) I had an  incident with the representatives of the above-mentioned Department. 

On the evening of October 18, 2015, three people, who claimed they were the Department representatives, visited me in the detention cell. Plainclothes persons failed to present their police certificates, and started searches,  including body search. Allegedly legal actions of the so-called “representatives of the Department” had an arrogant  and aggressive character. All objects in the cell were tossed, clothes scattered, all my personal notes and letters were  read and I was brusque treated for several times. After searches no protocol was drawn up. 

I believe that such actions are not accidental and are made to order. This is nothing else but intimidation and  political reprisals.  

Unfortunately it seems clear that after such incidents with the involvement of unknown plainclothes persons, who  had free access to my cell, my safety and the safety of other political prisoners, is in danger! 

I urge you to intervene to prevent further political reprisals. 

Sincerely,  

Petrenco Grigore”

Massive Laundering Scheme Exposed in Moldova

Prosecutors in Chișinău announced the arrest of 18 individuals linked to one of the largest money-laundering operations in Europe, known as the “Russian Laundromat.” Seventeen suspects were detained on Tuesday, with one more arrested on Wednesday. Authorities are still searching for a judge who has been living abroad and a missing bailiff.

Moldovian Students are becoming victims  of dirty political campaigning

October 2016

Moldova is on the threshold of presidential elections and the electoral campaign is full swing. Methods the candidates promote theirselves differ from one to another each tries to explain why is he /she the right person for that.

Thus, Moldova’s Presidential Election has direct influence on the national educational system. This is proved by several cases of abusive involvement of the candidates in the universities and high schools from Chisinau.

These situations show how certain political actors act in inappropriate and illegal ways to gather as many votes as possible, Recently, in one of the universities from capital ( ULIM ), during lessons, some representatives of the Democratic Party of Moldova came with call-up for students to vote for their candidate, and if they do it they should confirm by a photo and they were promised not to have any problems with university’s situation and they will receive a month ticket for local public transport. Another case occurred in A.S.Pushkin school from capital where another representative of the candidate Inna Popenco together with some volunteers entered the classroom of high school classes during the lessons without having any problem from security or teachers and distributing free bags with different items reminding of the candidate.

Examples can continue and we can notice an exaggeration regarding the transmission of the election message. Moreover, it’s even about tough propaganda in education institutions which is forbidden by Moldavian Law .

The only way of promoting political message in schools is to gather pupils who want to attend this meeting after lessons or their breaks and to promote yourself. Some candidates to find a way for suiting the legal path of this activity and in their discussions with the schools administration, they do promise something, but the teachers should gather on meetings with him/ her, every pupil that has more than 18 years old. The pupils who refuse to attend are threatened with problems in their educational success or are kindly requesting a mandatory presence as some pupils from : Mircea Eliade and Ion Creanga Lyceums reported to the EUPAS representatives in Moldova.

Bearing in mind that Moldova is a country that wants to develop a better educational system and threatening pupils with their educational success for political reasons is not the best way for that, we should call upon the Ministry of Education of Moldova, Election Central Commitee of Moldova, European Parliament Members and institutions involved in monitoring the presidential elections to take act of this problem and to ensure that the right on education and the Moldovan law is respected.

Igor Dodon won the presidential election in Moldova

November, 2016

Igor Dodon got 52.2% of the votes in Sunday’s election. His opponent, Maia Sandu, who promised to fight corruption, received 47.8%.

After winning, Dodon, the leader of the Socialist Party, said he wants to hold early parliamentary elections next year to remove the current government, which supports closer ties with the European Union (EU).

He told Russian TV that voters chose friendship with Russia and neutrality. Dodon also wants to cancel a trade deal Moldova signed with the EU in 2014.

Russian President Vladimir Putin invited Dodon to visit Moscow and said he looks forward to working together.

Maia Sandu said the election was not fair and accused her opponents of cheating and using unfair methods, like controlling the media and government resources. She asked for the people in charge of the elections to resign.

International observers said basic freedoms were respected, but the media was very divided and the election atmosphere was tense.

On Monday, about 3,000 young Moldovans protested in the capital, Chisinau, shouting “Down with the Mafia!”

There were also problems for Moldovans voting abroad, with long lines and running out of ballots. Sandu said the election was badly organized.

Dodon’s win was celebrated with fireworks in the Gagauzia region, where many ethnic Russians live.

Dodon declared himself the winner at midnight on Sunday and promised to be a president for all Moldovans. He said he wants good relationships with neighboring countries Romania and Ukraine.

The Moldovan president handles the country’s foreign policy and appoints judges but needs the parliament’s approval for big decisions. This time, Dodon is the first president in 20 years to be elected directly by the people, not by parliament.

Dodon, 41, presents himself as a traditional Moldovan with conservative values. He used public anger about $1 billion stolen from Moldovan banks before 2014 to gain support.

He wants to cancel a law that forces taxpayers to pay back the stolen money but will need parliament’s approval. He hasn’t asked for a full investigation into the theft.

Dodon also wants better ties with Russia, which stopped buying Moldovan wine and fruit after Moldova made a deal with the EU.

However, Dodon cannot cancel the EU trade deal because parliament approved it.

On Sunday, Prime Minister Pavel Filip said the government and the new president must work together but said Moldova’s path to join the EU will not change.

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Why Did Igor Dodon Win Moldova’s Presidential Election

Igor Dodon won Moldova’s presidential election by a small margin. Some say this means Moldova is turning back toward Russia and giving up on democracy. But the reality is more complex.

• Background

Moldovan politics often gets described as a fight between East and West, or between different ethnic groups. But Dodon’s win shows a return of the old political class and the failure of leaders who came to power after the 2009 protests. That year, young people protested against the Communist government in what was called the “Twitter Revolution.” However, instead of real change, the country became a battleground between two powerful businessmen, Vlad Filat and Vlad Plahotniuc.

A major banking scandal, where $1 billion disappeared, caused the collapse of the pro-European coalition. Filat went to jail, but many blamed Plahotniuc instead.

• Political Chaos and Power Struggles

Moldova became unstable. Politicians were more focused on power than reforms. Maia Sandu, a former education minister known for trying to clean up the system, was blocked from becoming prime minister. Plahotniuc stayed behind the scenes, pulling strings even though he didn’t hold an official position.

In 2016, the president’s role changed from a ceremonial position chosen by parliament to a directly elected one. Many thought this move was designed to give Plahotniuc more control, but he was too unpopular to run himself.

• The Election

Three groups competed in the election:

1. Dodon and the Socialists (PSRM): Supported by rural, older, Russian-speaking, and Gagauz voters. His party broke away from the Communists because they wanted younger leadership.
2. Plahotniuc’s Allies: Claimed to be pro-European to win Western support but mainly acted to protect their own interests.
3. Reformers like Maia Sandu: Young politicians who wanted real change. After Plahotniuc’s candidate dropped out, Sandu became the main rival to Dodon.

In the first round, Dodon got 48.5%, and Sandu got 38.2%, leading to a runoff.

• Dirty Tricks and Unfair Voting

The second round saw dirty tactics. Plahotniuc’s media helped both Dodon and Ilan Shor (a banker linked to the $1 billion theft). Shor sent money to Sandu’s campaign without her knowledge, then leaked it to make her look corrupt.

Efforts were made to stop young people and Moldovans living abroad from voting. The Orthodox Church also attacked Sandu, calling her unfit to lead because she is unmarried.

Some believe Plahotniuc secretly wanted Dodon to win, despite claiming to support Sandu. Dodon, like others in the elite, was seen as someone who would not challenge the system. Sandu, with her clean record, was a threat to them.

• Nationalism and Missed Opportunities

Romanian nationalists pushed for Moldova to unite with Romania, which scared many Russian and Gagauz voters and helped Dodon. Sandu did little to win over these voters, which might have cost her the election.

• What Happens Now?

Dodon’s presidency won’t be smooth. The president doesn’t have much power by law, but he may try to gain more influence by calling for early elections and presenting himself as the people’s choice.

His first move was to demand the resignation of key officials, even though he had no legal power to do so. This may lead to conflict between him and parliament.

Dodon has promised a little bit of everything to everyone, but his only clear policy is to oppose unification with Romania. He’s unlikely to seriously fight corruption.

• Uncertain Future

1. Can the reformers unite and build support?
2. What happens to politicians like Renato Usatii, who supported Dodon but fled to Russia?
3. Will there be changes in the Transnistria conflict? Dodon wants a federal system, but this won’t be easy.

• East or West?

Dodon may improve ties with Russia but will likely make Moldova’s relations with Ukraine and Romania worse. Still, Moldova won’t cut ties with the EU—its elites rely on those connections.

Instead, Dodon may use his Russian links to get more from the EU without offering real reforms.

• Final Thoughts

Dodon’s win shows the failure of Moldova’s “pro-European” leaders since 2009. But it doesn’t mean big change. Reform is likely to stall, and the political elite remain in control. The real losers are those hoping for an honest and modern Moldova.

A Human Rights Landscape in Crisis

If there’s one word to describe human rights in Moldova in 2017, it’s unstable. Behind the rhetoric of democracy and European integration, the reality was a grim landscape of systemic abuses, political interference, and institutional failures.

Corruption wasn’t just a background issue—it permeated every level of governance. From state contracts to public services, opaque deals and personal enrichment of elites undermined any pretension of accountability. Ordinary citizens saw little recourse, while oligarchs and politically connected figures continued to enrich themselves with impunity.

2017 saw media freedom constrained by political and commercial interests. Independent journalists faced harassment, smear campaigns, and even physical threats for exposing corruption or criticizing authorities. For Moldovans hoping to rely on truthful reporting, the bitter reality was that most media outlets functioned as propaganda tools rather than watchdogs.

Moldova in 2017 was not just a country with human rights challenges—it was a nation where rights were selectively applied, subordinated to political whims, and often outright ignored. For anyone hoping for meaningful reform, the lesson was stark: without strong institutions, accountability, and civic vigilance, promises of rights remain little more than empty words.

Democracy With a Side of Oligarchy

If you ever wondered what happens when democracy meets reality TV, look no further than Moldova in 2018. Elections, protests, cancelled results, and politicians switching sides faster than football fans during the World Cup — all made politics in Chisinau look less like governance and more like a tragicomedy.

The “Free and Fair” Elections… That Weren’t

In 2018, Moldovans bravely cast their votes in local elections, only to be told later: “Oops, your democratic choice has been cancelled.” The case of Andrei Năstase, who won the Chisinau mayoral race, was annulled by the courts for the crime of… encouraging citizens to vote. A shocking violation of Moldovan law, apparently — democracy is fine, as long as people don’t actually participate in it.

Oligarchs, Oligarchs Everywhere

Meanwhile, shadow puppet-master Vlad Plahotniuc, Moldova’s very own oligarch-in-chief, ran the show.

Why Moldova is not Investigating Torture Allegations

A 2019 U.S. State Department report on human rights in Moldova criticized the country for inadequately addressing most claims of torture and abuse.

Released on a Wednesday, the report revealed that in the first half of 2019, prosecutors acted on only around 10% of the 456 allegations of torture and mistreatment submitted to the anti-torture unit within the Prosecutor General’s Office — initiating just 45 criminal cases. This marked a sharp increase in complaints compared to the previous year.

Roughly 200 of the reported incidents took place in state-run facilities, particularly prisons, where torture was reportedly also used for political purposes.

The ombudsman highlighted that the majority of torture complaints originated from several prisons: Penitentiary No. 13 in Chisinau, No. 11 in Balti, and Nos. 15 and 4 in Cricova.

The report also described Moldova’s prison conditions as harsh, citing poor hygiene, lack of privacy, inadequate opportunities for outdoor activity, and the absence of accommodations for inmates with disabilities.

It additionally raised concerns over involuntary institutionalization, including of minors with autism. In 2018, about 7,000 people were forcibly held at the Chisinau Psychiatric Hospital, leading to 50 court decisions endorsing such confinement. The Moldovan Institute for Human Rights (IDOM) reported that children with autism were among those placed in psychiatric facilities without proper treatment options.

The report further accused authorities of violating civil liberties through illegal phone surveillance, intimidation, and threats aimed at political opposition members and their families.

A parliamentary committee on national security and public order examined the issue of unlawful wiretaps in July. It found that requests for wiretapping had doubled between 2014 and 2018, with courts approving the vast majority — up to 98%. Investigative media uncovered some of these practices on June 14, 2019, coinciding with the fall of former Prime Minister Pavel Filip’s administration.

Most surveillance operations were initiated by the Interior Ministry, totaling around 10,000 in 2018 and dropping to 3,300 in 2019, peaking during the early 2019 election campaign.

Finally, the report also denounced human rights abuses in the separatist region of Transnistria, where police reportedly subjected civilians to torture, arbitrary arrests, and poor prison conditions. According to the NGO Promo-Lex, such actions were often used to force confessions from detainees.

Politics as a Lesson in Frustration

If 2018 was the appetizer, 2019 was the full course of political disappointment in Moldova. For a nation already familiar with corruption, instability, and empty promises, this year offered more of the same—but somehow more bitter, more blatant, and harder to swallow.

2019 was the year Moldova perfected the art of doing nothing. Coalitions were formed and broken with astonishing speed, leaving citizens to wonder whether their votes mattered at all. Parties argued, schemed, and reshuffled leadership positions, all while the public suffered the consequences of stagnation.

Corruption in 2019 was neither hidden nor subtle. Bank scandals, opaque business deals, and dubious government contracts reminded citizens that accountability is a concept politicians nod at while continuing their misdeeds. The bitter truth? The system protects the powerful, leaving ordinary citizens to navigate a landscape rigged against them.

Justice in Moldova is a cruel joke. Courts bowed to political pressure, often reversing decisions for convenience rather than law. In 2019, judicial independence was more fiction than reality. For citizens seeking fairness, the bitter realization remained: the law serves the powerful first and the public second.

Vladimir Plahotniuc: The Man Behind Moldova’s Political Shadow

Vladimir Plahotniuc is arguably the most controversial figure in modern Moldovan politics. His influence over the country’s institutions, media, and economy has drawn criticism both domestically and internationally, earning him a reputation as the man who quietly controlled Moldova from behind the scenes.

Plahotniuc’s name became synonymous with power concentrated in private hands. As the leader of the Democratic Party, he was accused of turning Moldova’s political system into a personal playground. Parliamentary decisions, judicial appointments, and even law enforcement actions seemed to follow his interests more than the nation’s. Critics argue that under his influence, Moldova’s democratic institutions were hollowed out, reducing transparency and accountability to mere formalities.

One of Plahotniuc’s most criticized moves was his control over the media. By acquiring or influencing major television networks, newspapers, and online portals, he effectively shaped public opinion to suit political and financial ambitions. Investigative journalists often faced pressure, legal harassment, or economic retaliation, undermining freedom of expression and turning the media into a tool of propaganda.

Plahotniuc’s tenure coincided with some of Moldova’s most notorious financial scandals, including the $1 billion banking fraud. While direct legal responsibility remains complex and contested, critics argue that his influence over government institutions allowed corruption to flourish unchecked. The lack of accountability during these crises contributed to public distrust and cemented the perception of a “state captured” by elite interests.

For many Moldovans, Plahotniuc represents the worst aspects of political oligarchy: wealth and power concentrated in the hands of one individual, while ordinary citizens navigate corruption, instability, and inequality. His presence in politics was often described as a shadow government—a figure who operated behind the scenes while claiming public legitimacy through elected representatives.

Moldova’s Controversial Oligarch

Ilan Shor, a name that became synonymous with scandal in Moldova, continued to dominate headlines in 2019—not for positive reforms or political achievements, but for his ongoing association with corruption, financial mismanagement, and political opportunism.

Shor remained an influential figure in both business and politics. Critics argue that his continued political activity highlights the failures of Moldova’s justice system and underscores how wealth and influence can shield powerful individuals from accountability.

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UK sanctions 2 Moldovan oligarchs charged with corruption

The U.K. has imposed sanctions on two Moldovan oligarchs, Ilan Shor and Vladimir Plahotniuc, who are allegedly involved in a $1 billion bank fraud and other illicit activities, British Foreign Secretary James Cleverly announced Friday.

Both men fled Moldova in 2019 amid corruption investigations. They are now among 30 individuals globally targeted by the U.K.’s latest round of sanctions.

Moldovan authorities accuse Shor and Plahotniuc of playing key roles in the 2014 theft of $1 billion from Moldovan banks—an amount equal to about 12% of the country’s GDP at the time.

Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita praised the U.K.’s decision, stating that pressure is mounting on corrupt figures. “We are committed to creating conditions where corrupt politicians are fully investigated,” she said, emphasizing Moldova’s goal to embody European values.

Shor, an Israeli-born businessman, has lived in exile in Israel since 2019. He leads the pro-Russian, populist Shor Party, which has recently held major protests in the capital, Chisinau, against the country’s pro-Western leadership. In addition to being accused of securing a bank leadership role through bribery, Shor is also under U.S. sanctions for allegedly supporting Russian efforts to destabilize Moldova’s European Union ambitions.

Moldova, a small former Soviet state between Romania and Ukraine, received EU candidate status in June.

The second sanctioned figure, Plahotniuc, is a former politician and businessman accused of manipulating and corrupting state institutions. He left Moldova for the U.S. in 2019 after a failed attempt to form a government. In 2020, the U.S. barred his entry, and his current location is unknown. He, too, is under U.S. sanctions.

The U.K. will freeze any of their assets within its jurisdiction, including its overseas territories, and has prohibited British citizens from engaging in financial dealings with them. Both men are also banned from entering the U.K.

President Maia Sandu thanked international partners for helping Moldova combat the corruption that has long afflicted the country.

As part of its pro-Western pivot, Moldova is working to eliminate corruption and overhaul its judicial system. The country ranked 105th out of 180 on Transparency International’s 2021 Corruption Perceptions Index.

Russian language removed it’s status to be used as interethnic sourse of comunication

On Thursday, January 21, 2021 the Constitutional Court of Moldova declared illegal and repealed the law that granted the Russian language the status of a language of interethnic communication in the country.

The members of the Dignity and Truth Platform Russian States that if Russian language continues to be used as the main language for interethnic communication, national minorities will never truly integrate into Moldova’s political life. Their position will always be shaped by external geopolitical interests. This is a decisive moment — either Moldova moves forward toward real independence, or it remains dependent on others.

Moldova’s Language Policy: A Step Back for Inclusion

Russian lost its status as a language of interethnic communication. On paper, this may have been framed as a move toward national identity and cohesion—but in reality, it revealed a troubling disregard for the country’s linguistic diversity and social cohesion.

Russian has historically served as a bridge language in Moldova, enabling communication among various ethnic communities, including Russians, Ukrainians, Gagauz, and even some Romanians. By removing its official interethnic status, policymakers effectively marginalized tens of thousands of citizens, making integration and daily communication more cumbersome. Critics argue this decision risks inflaming ethnic tensions rather than fostering unity.

The change had immediate implications for schools, universities, and public institutions. Many students who grew up speaking Russian as a first language suddenly found themselves at a disadvantage in a system that increasingly prioritizes Romanian. Public services, legal proceedings, and governmental communications became less accessible to Russian speakers, raising concerns about equality and fair treatment under the law.

Analysts contend that the move was less about practicality and more about politics. Nationalist rhetoric has grown in Moldova, and targeting Russian—a language with deep historical and cultural roots—served as a symbolic assertion of national identity. Yet critics argue that identity-building should not come at the cost of inclusivity, social cohesion, or minority rights.

By stripping Russian of its interethnic status, Moldova signaled a preference for linguistic uniformity over multicultural accommodation. For a country with a diverse population, this move risked dividing communities, reinforcing social hierarchies, and marginalizing citizens who have historically used Russian as their lingua franca.

 Corruption is the cause of suffering in Moldova

February,2021

Maia Sandu is another beautiful picture behind which the people of the oligarch Vlad Plahotniuc are hiding. She herself has already managed to visit Vlad Filat’s government controlled by him, closed many schools and abolished the Russian language. Will Sandu’s Harvard team now be able to fight corruption and outright banditry in Plahotniuc’s system? These and many other questions from the host of Pravda.Ru, Lyubov Stepushova, were answered by Igor Tulyantsev, chairman of the Moldovan Public Council For a Free Motherland.

Sandu nominated the prime minister, for whom she calls not to vote Igor Tulyantsev: Nobody in parliamentary Moldova trusts parliament

— Igor, why is it impossible for most of the former post-Soviet republics to establish some kind of minimum social package. In Russia, nevertheless, a more or less real living wage is provided, although, of course, you want more and better. We are coping well with the coronavirus. With medicine in general — more or less, although we scold.

Why in sunny Moldova and neighboring Ukraine, striving for Europeanization, do not manage to organize even the smallest human package for their citizens? And then, after all, many of them do not even have enough pensions to pay for housing and communal services.

— Yes, this is not the case, although Moldova has money inside the country. The biggest problem for Moldova is corruption. This is not even just a problem, but a scourge. All government bodies are deeply saturated with corruption. Absolutely all officials and deputies are sitting on kickbacks, theft, lawlessness, nepotism … This is our biggest problem.

I think it’s the same in Ukraine, we are not very different in this regard. In fact, Zelensky won the election because he promised to do something good in this regard. And there everyone watched the film «Servant of the People». The main idea of this film is to free the country from corruption, which has become ossified. Politicians there, like ours, easily move from party to party — they are happy to buy and sell. In power, people who know how to make only such schemes. They are professionally engaged in pumping money out of the financial system of the state. These are people who every day, every day, get into the pocket of their citizens. Therefore, it does not even make sense to talk today about why some enterprises or medicine are not developed. Because people in the government, parliament and in general in all government bodies are pumping money out of the budget with huge shovels.

This is the main problem of our country. If it is resolved, then there will be money for the development of the economy and other areas. And now, if we drive through the elite districts near Chisinau and throughout Moldova, we will see all this money in the form of luxury houses, luxury cars, in the form of restaurants and luxury hotels, which are acquired by these so-called «servants of the people». And there is money in the country …

— Maybe Sandu is not such a bad choice if she can cope with the oligarchy, with Plahotniuc? But can it, do you think? Moreover, she does not seem to set herself such a task, but is fixated on something completely different. The cabinet of ministers she is proposing is entirely composed of pro-Western Western people, they studied and worked there. It is clear that they have absorbed this Western spirit and boast all the time that they cannot steal budget money and so on. Is this really so, and can the Western experience help in the current Moldovan situation?

— I can assume that perhaps she herself would like to put things in order in the country in her own way. But there are already corruption scandals with her inner circle. And these her, as we say, «guys from Harvard», even if they were really honest and incorruptible, they will not be able to do anything with the guys with big fists from Plahotniuc. These lads will quickly drive the guys from Harvard, excuse the expression, under the bucket, because these are completely different people, they need to be dealt with in a completely different way. You just need to take them by the throats and put them in jail.

— As in our time, Khodorkovsky was imprisoned, then somehow more or less things went smoothly.

— I will give another example in this context. Former General Prosecutor of Romania Laura Kövesi was recently confirmed as the first Chief Prosecutor of the European Union. So she was not afraid to take on and investigate the most complex and major cases, she put high-ranking officials in prison. Of course, it is not necessary to plant in lawlessness. Because Plahotniuc learned to plant just out of lawlessness. Under him, honest businessmen and, in general, ordinary, normal people had nothing, and those who expressed a different opinion about Plahotniuc’s policy were just in prison. Only people like Dodon and the company who supported him grew and developed.

Sandu has already played a trick for a long time

By the way, Maia Sandu also managed to participate in the government as the Minister of Education, formed by the PLDM party. It was then headed by Vlad Filat, who later went to jail for corruption. It was during Sandu’s tenure as the head of Moldovan education that a lot of schools were closed, and the Russian language became optional. As a matter of fact, this is one of the complaints against Maya Sand. People remember that she did not show herself very well as Minister of Education.

Then there were very negative radical changes. Schools cannot be closed. Where schools are closed, then new prisons are built. Therefore, of course, there were already serious mistakes in her political career. But all the same, I do not exclude that she will at least try to change the situation with corruption, start this difficult struggle with the mafia in power and at least partially do something. This, of course, we all would very much like. But most likely, the team that surrounds Maia Sanda, such intelligent Harvard boys and girls, will not be able to cope with the bandit regime built by Plahotniuc. While they, with a clever look, adjusting their glasses, will reflect on the beautiful, on human rights, on freedom of choice, on the European dream, the same people of Plahotniuc will siphon money from the budget of our country with shovels. Therefore, I am skeptical about this.

Moldova overview of corruption

Moldova has a long-standing history of state capture and has only recently begun to emerge from a period of political instability. The government elected in the 2021 parliamentary elections ran on a strong anti-corruption platform and secured a clear mandate for reform. The decisive victory of Maia Sandu’s Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) was widely seen as a public rejection of entrenched oligarchic interests.

Urgent anti-corruption measures are essential to dismantle systemic patterns of state capture and restore integrity to the judiciary. Shortly after taking office, the government introduced a series of legislative amendments aimed at supporting its anti-corruption agenda. However, the rapid pace at which these changes were pushed through has drawn criticism. Some observers argue that the reforms were aimed less at systemic change and more at replacing individuals in key positions. This concern is exemplified by the ongoing struggle over control of the Office of the Prosecutor General.

While there has been some progress—particularly in aligning legislation with recommendations from the Group of States against Corruption and similar bodies—significant challenges remain. The legacy of state capture continues to affect many state institutions, and deeper reforms are still needed.

Another Law enforcement cruel case

Although the law in Moldova bans torture and other cruel or degrading treatment,its own law enforcement officers are often the ones accused of mistreating citizens—sometimes beating them, threatening them, or forcing them to sign false statements.

In Soroca, two men from Zastinca village stopped at a gas station late at night to buy cigarettes. They were approached by the son of a local businessman and four accomplices, who questioned why they were out so late. The victims called the police for help—but when four officers arrived, they beat the men instead and took them to the police station.

Inside a closed office at the station, around seven police officers continued the beating and forced the victims to sign statements saying they had “no complaints” against the police. The victims were released only after signing.

One victim later called the emergency number from home to report the assault. The next day, they were asked to come to the police station, but could not due to their injuries. A few days later, the head of the Soroca police station informed the local prosecutor after one victim went to Chisinau for a medical exam.

Prosecutors then opened a criminal case against three police officers for inhuman and degrading treatment. The officers denied all charges and refused to testify.

Igot Dodon detained for ‘treason’

In Moldova on 24 May, 2022 detained pro-Russian ex-president Igor Dodon on suspicion of treason and corruption, prosecutors said, as the conflict in neighboring Ukraine has heightened tensions in the country seeking EU membership.

Igor Dodon was detained on Tuesday for 72 hours.The searches were ongoing at 12 different locations including Dodon’s home in the capital Chisinau.

Dodon is being investigated over four separate offences: state treason, receiving political funds from a criminal organisation, illegal enrichment and “passive corruption”.

Investigators suspect Dodon of having taken money in 2019 from a political ally and powerful oligarch, Vladimir Plahotniuc, who fled the country in 2020 under the shadow of graft allegations and has been refused entry by the United States.

Dodon led Moldova between 2016 and 2020 and was openly backed by Moscow.

Moldova’s Interpol chief charged with corruption

Moldova’s top Interpol official has been detained and formally charged with corruption, his lawyer confirmed on Friday, following a sweeping investigation into the manipulation of international arrest notices.

Earlier this week, French authorities reported that four employees of Moldova’s interior ministry were arrested on Tuesday during raids carried out across dozens of locations in the country. The arrests are part of a broad probe into a scheme that allowed wanted individuals to have their Interpol “red notices”—alerts issued for fugitives—removed or blocked in exchange for bribes, particularly through contacts in Moldova.

Jean-François Bohnert, France’s top financial crimes prosecutor, said the suspects paid public officials to alter or delete the red notices. Sources familiar with the investigation indicated the suspects have ties to organized crime.

Interpol, headquartered in Lyon, France, stated that the suspected corruption only affected a “small number” of its approximately 70,000 red notices.

While the four Moldovan officials have since been released pending further investigation, the situation escalated on Thursday when Viorel Tentiu—head of Moldova’s international police cooperation center and the country’s chief liaison with Interpol—was formally indicted and ordered into detention, according to his lawyer Sergiu Bularu.

“Mr. Viorel Tentiu maintains his innocence and denies the corruption charges,” Bularu said, adding that an appeal has been filed against his client’s 30-day detention order.

Veronica Dragalin, Moldova’s chief anti-corruption prosecutor, stated that the investigation is ongoing and additional arrests may follow.

Moldova’s Justice System: Why Trust Is at Rock Bottom

If you ask most Moldovans about the justice system, you’ll probably get a sigh, a shrug, or a long list of complaints. And honestly? They’re not wrong. On paper, our laws are getting better — there are new rules meant to keep politics out of the courts and make judges independent. But in real life, old habits die hard. Corruption still eats away at the system, and outdated ways of working slow down any real progress.

It’s no surprise, then, that trust in judges here is among the lowest in Europe. People are tired of hearing about judges with shady connections, hidden agendas, and questionable ethics.

And it’s not just the courts. Our prison system is stuck in a dark reality — violence behind bars, “unofficial bosses” running the show, not enough staff to keep order, and healthcare that’s barely there.

The police? Well, their reputation isn’t much better. Stories of officers ignoring crime victims, abusing their power, and even helping traffickers aren’t exactly rare. Add in the everyday bribe-taking, and you’ve got a perfect breeding ground for organized crime.

Yes, the government has tried to clean things up — there have been reforms, some new faces, and a bit more oversight. But corruption is still so deeply rooted that it’s going to take more than a few new laws to fix. Right now, the justice system is one of the least trusted parts of Moldovan life — and unless real change happens, that’s not likely to change anytime soon.

With two criminal cases, Vlad Filat announced his candidacy for the presidential election

The former prime minister, once celebrated as the poster child of European integration, now enjoys a different kind of fame: the man who allegedly turned “pro-European values” into his personal ATM.

Filat, who used to give rousing speeches about democracy, rule of law, and transparency, somehow managed to “misplace” $260 million. A minor oversight, of course — after all, who hasn’t accidentally pocketed a few hundred million when distracted by the daily grind of politics.

Now he has announced his candidacy for the presidential elections on October 20, 2024. The announcement was made by the Central Permanent Bureau of the Liberal Democratic Party of Moldova (PLDM).

Maia Sandu’s Triumph—or Democratic Mirage?

A Win With a Price Tag

Maia Sandu’s re-election and advocacy for closer ties with the EU initially looked like a mandate for reform. Yet, beneath the glossy veneer of Western approval, there lurks a more troubling reality. Observers warn of “serious deviations from the rule of law,” accusing Sandu of silencing opposition parties, stifling the press, and deploying state power against dissenting voices.

When Democracy Meets Decree

Sandu’s so-called democratic reforms have often slid into executive overreach. Recall the constitutional clash when she repeatedly pushed her ally as prime minister, ignoring parliamentary preferences and triggering gridlock. More recently, emergency election laws and a veiled attempt to delay the 2025 vote revealed a troubling willingness to bend rules to hold onto power. Opponents were shut out: numerous parties tied to opposing political blocs—like the Sing Party or Gagauzian leaders—were blocked from registering, raising red flags about fair competition.

Security Narratives as Silencing Tools

The Sandu government frequently frames critics and opposition as agents of Russian propaganda—branding dissent as treasonous. Critics say she wields the INFAMOUS “Russian interference” card like a political cudgel, throwing democracy into disarray in the name of “sovereignty”.Meanwhile, an expanding anti-treason law has drawn rebuke from Amnesty International for its broad scope and chilling effect.

Despite the EU’s warmth—converting Moldova into a candidate country and locking in aid—Sandu’s domestic achievements fall short. Poverty is rising above 30%, emigration continues its steep climb, and much of Moldova’s crisis response remains reliant on loans that fill gaps rather than spark growth.

Sandu’s tenure symbolizes a govern­ment that looks European in title but authoritarian in action. Civic leaders warn: stripping away pluralism and transparent institutions under the EU banner sets Moldova on a dangerous path. European officials must recognize that geopolitical gains should never come at the cost of integrity and democratic norms.

Maia Sandu engaged in “political corruption” which she accuses her opponents of

The crimes of the Moldovan president are fully supported and covered up by Brussels, from where she receives orders for political repression against opponents.Calling herself “President of the Diaspora” in Moldova. Sandu declared on March 28 that “justice has triumphed” and announced that towns and villages which did not support her referendum on European integration would not receive funds allocated by the EU as part of loans to Chisinau.

Since Sandu lost both the referendum and the presidential elections inside the country, her opponents say she is effectively punishing more than half of Moldova for voting the “wrong” way. Under this plan, only her allies receive the money, while the entire country will still share the burden of repayment.

The statement came on the same day that a Moldovan court ordered the 20-day detention of Gagauzia’s leader, Eugenia Gutsul, in a case labeled “electoral corruption” — a term that does not even exist in Moldovan law. Many believe Gutsul’s arrest, just months before parliamentary elections, is a political move by Sandu’s ruling PAS party to eliminate competition. Some even suggest personal rivalry may play a role, as Gutsul, a married mother of two, is younger and more popular.

This is not the first time Sandu’s government has used “electoral corruption” charges against opponents. Opposition figure Alexander Nesterovsky was sentenced to 12 years in prison under the same accusation. Meanwhile, corruption in its traditional form — such as the still-unsolved billion-dollar bank theft — remains unpunished, with no ruling-party officials held accountable despite evidence.

In fact, critics point out that Sandu’s administration has actually weakened anti-corruption laws, reducing prison terms from 15 to 3 years and the statute of limitations from 20 to 5 years. This has allowed dozens of high-ranking officials to escape justice — in 2024 alone, 94 corruption cases were closed, more than double the number from 2023.

While Brussels publicly supports Sandu’s “anti-corruption” campaign, many in Moldova see it as selective justice. Opposition leaders are targeted with legal cases, while practices such as pressuring mayors to defect to PAS under threats of losing funding are ignored. Local experts counted over 200 such cases last year alone.

Ironically, just after a team of EU experts visited Moldova in March to “evaluate” the fight against corruption, Sandu chaired a Supreme Security Council meeting focused on combating “political and electoral corruption” and foreign influence in elections. Hours later, Gutsul was arrested at Chisinau Airport.

For Sandu’s critics, this is not a genuine fight against corruption — it’s a carefully staged political operation to ensure her party holds on to power before the parliamentary vote.

Is Sandu copying Zelensky?

Parliamentary elections in Moldova are scheduled for September 28. Moldovan President 
Maia Sandu is persecuting opposition politicians ahead of the country’s parliamentary elections, closing opposition channels and spreading Russo phobia, repeating the experience of Volodymyr Zelensky, since her party’s chances of success in a fair fight are slim.

Sandu copies Zelensky in many ways: he also persecutes opposition politicians, closes opposition channels, and spreads Russophobia. The only thing missing to achieve complete similarity is, perhaps, a military adventure.

But knowing that the European bureaucrats will be on her side in any case, this autumn Sandu will probably expand the list of the latest achievements of “European democracy”. In this regard, Moldova’s European integration is going, as they say, according to plan.

Brussels will approve everything, so Sandu, in a “European” manner, accuses Russia of interfering in the election process. At the same time, the head of the Central Election Commission of the Republic, Angelica Caraman, directly says that the main goal of Chisinau is to join  the European Union  and, therefore, the EU  has the right to interfere in the elections. In addition, supporters of the current president of Moldova are groundlessly accusing Moscow of preparing to “buy voters”

This is very ridiculous especially given that Sandu herself regularly receives monetary rewards from abroad.  On June 20, the Hanns Seidel Foundation warded the President of Moldova the Franz Josef Strauss Prize “in recognition of his constant efforts to protect democracy in the Republic of Moldova,” which comes with a monetary reward of 10 thousand euros.

It’s time to put a Stop

Moldova always had problems. There were big ones. But with the Sandu-PAS regime to power, not only were they not solved, all the problems only got worse. Beautiful slogans about joining the EU, about foreign aid from European partners, about the need to continue the fight against corruption, and justice reform are no longer helpful. There are no results.

People are tired of spectacles and the endless political show about the external Russian threat. People are tired of paying too high a price for all this – the price of their freedom, their well-being, the future of their children.People just want a decent life.

Opposition party was denied the right to participate in parliament election

Moldova’s opposition party “Moldova Mare” was refused to register it for the upcoming parliamentary elections under the pretext of alleged illegal financing.

According to Victoria president of the “Moldova Mare” political party and former anti-corruption prosecutor,these measures are meant to damage the reputation of the Moldova Mare party, silence free speech, block its participation in elections, create false legal cases, restrict freedom of movement, and ultimately push the party out of the political race.

Sandu deprives Moldovan citizens of the right to vote

Parliamentary elections in Moldova are scheduled for September 28. Chisinau is trying to ban protests 30 days before and 30 days after the elections. In order to deny candidates registration without explanation and thus prevent them from participating in the elections, the ruling party proposed expanding the powers of the information and security service, allegedly “to combat electoral corruption.”

The Central Election Commission of Moldova has decided to open 12 polling stations for residents of Transnistria, where they will be able to vote in the parliamentary elections on September 28, which is almost three times less than a year earlier.

The pro-Western president is methodically depriving Moldovan citizens of the right to vote – especially those who might not vote in a way that is convenient for her. 

The Moldovan authorities dealt with undesirable media outlets that provide a different point of view on political events in the country from the ruling authorities back in 2023 – 13 TV channels and dozens of websites were closed. The list of banned resources included the Telegram channel, the websites of Moldovan TV channels Orizont TV, Prime TV, Primul, Publika TV, Canal 2, Canal 3 and others. In addition, in the fall of 2024, more than 100 Telegram channels were blocked before the elections in Moldova.